We’re back! A day later than expected because holy shit there was a lot of news this week!

Index

1. SP Press — Redemptio memoriae: New collection published
2. SP Press — Technical: Email works now
3. Int., Academic — Baxendale: Just asking questions
4. Int., Academic — Kalman-Rome et al.: Transmascs crave those minerals, says study
5. Int., Academic — Landén: Puberty blockers are dangerous, say vibes
6. Int., Academic — Lundberg et al.: Tommy and Emma are at it again
7. Int., Academic — Kidd et al.: You like Tuck Everlasting? Haha, but seriously, folks,
8. Int., Academic — McDeavitt: Psychiatrist has hot take, film at eleven
9. Int., AU/US — In shocking twist, Australian eSafety Commissioner helpful for once
10. Int., US/global — Exciting new extremely normal activewear brand
11. Int., World Wide Web — Meta proves Wilhoit’s maxim a universal law
12. Argentina — Federal Court: Pozo de Banfield torturers sentenced
13. Australia — ALRC religious schools discrimination report tabled
14. Australia — Federal Court: Pesutto to suffer one almighty SLAPP
15. Australia, ACT — ANU: Gender Affirmation Guide released
16. Australia, NSW, Sydney — Committee approves transfem housing (bæddels’ fault)
17. Australia, NSW, Ryde — Flying Bats FC bring A-game, suffer consequences
18. France — Sénat Républicains transphobic (it’s in the name)
19. Netherlands — Trans woman has biological advantage at … darts apparently?
20. Pakistan, Sindh — Mayor of Larkana receives trans delegation
21. Thailand — Marriage Equality Act passes House
22. UK — BBC Sport: Just asking questions (2)
23. UK — Paediatrics peak body makes fatal mistake of being normal in Britain
24. US — In re Vague, Boe v Marshall: Judge-shopping case opened by case-shopping judge
25. US — DeGross v Hunter: How dare you make us respect trans kids
26. US — Data for Progress: Everything going to hell, new report confirms
27. US — Education Department: Curse your inevitable, not at all sudden betrayal
28. US — Disney: Are you a man or a Mouse?
29. US, California — Restrict Trans Youth Rights Initiative trudges on
30. US, California — Sacramento resolves to be nice to trans people
31. US, Colorado — Title Board to decide whether GOP bound by law or just protected
32. US, Georgia — HB 1104: “Frankenbill” disappointingly fails to kill creator
33. US, Idaho — HB 668: The machine demands blood
34. US, Kansas — SB 223: The machine demands blood (2)
35. US, New York — CEC 2 Resolution 248: Just asking questions (3)
36. US, Ohio — Moe v Yost: Moe and Goe tell Ohio “no”
37. US, Texas — Doe and PFLAG: Court delivers third W in Texas history
38. US, Wisconsin — Doe v EASD: The restroom gazes also into you

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SP Press

Redemptio memoriae: New collection published

On 25 February, an anarchist protester with the surname Bushnell self-immolated outside the Embassy of Israel to the United States in Washington, D.C., in protest of the Zionist entity’s colonisation and genocide in Palestine, making international news. It quickly became apparent that there was more to the story than initially met the eye and that the “more” might fall within SP Press’ scope, and I put SP Weekly on hiatus to investigate. I’ve assembled what I found as a newly-created SP Press Collection, Redemptio memoriae.

For broader coverage of Bushnell’s legacy, outside the aspects which fall within SP Press’ scope, I strongly recommend only the 2 articles published by CrimethInc ex-Workers’ Collective (2024a & 2024b).

Technical: Email works now

It turns out that for most of the time since I migrated to my new email provider, my SP Press address, isabelle@severalproblems.press, has been unable to receive email. The reason is that I set it up wrong, because my degree is in music performance and so cute little question marks appear over my head when people say things like “SMTP authentication” or “MX record”. It should work now. Any and all hate mail is welcome.

International

Academic

Baxendale: Just asking questions

On 9 February, Acta Paediatrica published an article, “The impact of suppressing puberty on neuropsychological function: A review,” by Sallie Baxendale (2024). The study concludes that “Critical questions remain unanswered regarding the nature, extent and permanence of any arrested development of cognitive function associated with puberty blockers”.

Andrea James (2024c), writing for Transgender Map, characterises Baxendale as a “psychologist and anti-transgender activist,” noting she is affiliated with at least two anti-trans pressure groups, the Society for Evidence-based Gender Medicine (SEGM) and the Clinical Advisory Network on Sex and Gender (CAN-SG), and is a contributor to UnHerd, a British publication with an anti-trans editorial line. Of all things, a Quillette article promoting the study (Lane, 2024) notes that it was rejected by 3 other journals before Acta Paediatrica decided to pick it up.

Kalman-Rome et al.: Transmascs crave those minerals, says study

On 11 February, the Journal of Dietary Supplements published “Dietary supplement use in transmasculine people: Results of an online survey of volunteer adults,” by Eli Kalman-Rome et al. (2024). The study concluded that “[t]ransmasculine people in our [cohort] reported a high use of dietary supplements”.

Landén: Puberty blockers are dangerous, say vibes

On 3 March, Acta Paediatrica published an article, “Puberty suppression of children with gender dysphoria: Urgent call for research,” an editorial by Mikael Landén (2024). The article:

• promotes the notion that “GnRHa [gonadotropin-releasing hormone agonist; i.e., puberty blocker] treatment … serves as an initial step in the transition to the opposite sex,” which in this context is a coded way of suggesting that puberty blockers make cis kids trans;
• contends, based on one study on which Landén was one of the corresponding authors, that “the evidence supporting the use of GnRHa to mitigate gender dysphoria and improve psychosocial functioning is insufficient”;
• contends that “treatment with GnRH agonists impacts bone health by delaying the natural increase in bone mineral density that typically occurs during puberty,” citing the 2020 review conducted by the UK National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, which Trans Safety Network’s Mallory Moore notes was run by anti-trans conversion therapists and shot through with undisclosed conflicts of interest and methodological issues (Moore, 2024) to the point that I would consider it functionally nullified;
• cites Baxendale (op. cit.), with the attendant issues described above;
• does not disclose that the author has a conflict of interest, namely that he, like Baxendale, is associated with SEGM, having previously spoken at a SEGM-organised 2023 anti-trans conference (James, 2024b).

Lundberg et al.: Tommy and Emma are at it again

On 21 March, the Scandinavian Journal of Medicine & Science in Sports published a commentary, “The International Olympic Committee framework on fairness, inclusion and nondiscrimination on the basis of gender identity and sex variations does not protect fairness for female athletes,” by Tommy R. Lundberg et al. (2024).

Lead author Lundberg and the two authors credited as having “contributed equally,” Ross Tucker and Dr Emma Hilton, are well-known anti-trans activists (A. James, 2023a; Rook, 2023). None have any background in trans healthcare or any related fields of research, such as endocrinology; Lundberg and Tucker are exercise physiologists, while Hilton is a biologist whose work on human subjects appears to be concentrated in clinical genetics and immunology.

The commentary is also co-authored by Jon Pike, who is a British academic philosopher specialising in the philosophy of sport and an anti-trans activist, notably the convenor of the Open University’s Gender Critical Research Network (A. James, 2023b; S. Richards, 2023).

Kidd et al.: You like Tuck Everlasting? Haha, but seriously, folks,

On 25 March, the Annals of Family Medicine, the journal of the American Association of Family Physicians, published a research brief, “Genital tucking practices in transgender and gender diverse patients,” by Nicholas Kidd et al. (2024). The article concludes that”On 25 March, the Annals of Family Medicine, the journal of the American Association of Family Physicians, published a research brief, “Genital tucking practices in transgender and gender diverse patients,” by Nicholas Kidd et al. (2024). The article concludes that:

[t]he risk of side effects increased with the length of tucking sessions … with many patients avoiding medical care despite experiencing side effects. Health care providers should empathetically discuss tucking and its potential risks and benefits with transgender and gender diverse patients.

Kidd et al. (op. cit.)

McDeavitt: Psychiatrist has hot take, film at eleven

On 28 March, Pediatrics, the journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics, published a letter to the editor, “Prohibition of gender-affirming care as a form of child maltreatment: Reframing the discussion,” by Kathleen McDeavitt (2024). In the letter, McDeavitt expresses a stance opposing the scientific and professional consensus on paediatric trans healthcare. There are no substantially novel elements to her argumentation and the letter is noted here primarily for the record.

General

Australia/United States: In shocking twist, eSafety Commissioner helpful for once

On 22 March, the Australian eSafety Commissioner¹ served X Corp., operator of Twitter (“X”), with a removal notice under the Online Safety Act 2021 (Cth) s 88.

The content addressed by the notice is a Tweet by Chris Elston, a Canadian activist better known as “Billboard Chris,” promoting a Daily Mail smear piece/revenge porn attack against the complainant, an Australian trans community advocate who, to avoid compounding the harm, I am electing not to name. Elston added further commentary which the Commissioner assessed as cause to intervene, on the grounds that Elston’s contribution deliberately misgendered the complainant and pathologised trans people as a whole. If X Corp. fails to remove the Tweet, the Commissioner may initiate civil action to fine it up to AU$782,500 (Elston, 2024), which is circa CA$689,000 or US$510,000 at press time.

United States/global: Exciting new extremely normal activewear brand

On 25 March, Jennifer Sey (2024) announced the launch of XX–XY Athletics, a new activewear brand. Sey is the former global brand president at Levi Strauss & Co. She was removed from the role in January 2022 by Chip Bergh, Levi’s chief executive officer, because she failed a due diligence check due to being vocally anti-vax, anti-lockdown and COVID denialist on Twitter and then on Fox News, ignoring all attempts by corporate to get her to stop (Suddath, 2022).

XX–XY Athletics’ primary value proposition seems to be letting consumers vice-signal being transphobic. The launch attracted puff pieces in Forbes (Danziger, 2024) and Women’s Wear Daily (Feitelberg, 2024).

World Wide Web: Meta proves Wilhoit’s maxim a universal law

On 27 March (M. James, 2024), GLAAD, a US-based LGBTQ+ advocacy group, published a social media safety report, “Unsafe: Meta fails to moderate extreme anti-trans hate across Facebook, Instagram, and Threads” (GLAAD, 2024). In the report, GLAAD found that Meta Platforms, Inc., which operates and moderates those three platforms, consistently either did not take any action on anti-trans hate content, or actively falsely classified the content as not in violation of its rules (GLAAD, op. cit.; Villarreal, 2024).

Argentina

Tribunal Federal: Pozo de Banfield torturers sentenced

On 26 March, in La Plata, Buenos Aires, the Tribunal Federal № 1 (“Federal Court No. 1”) announced the conviction and sentencing of 10 former officers of the Argentine government who served during the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (PRN; “National Reorganisation Process”), the military junta which ruled Argentina from 1976 through 1983. The charges on which they were convicted included offences relating to sexual violence targeting trans women in particular (Voice of America, 2024), which took place at the Pozo de Banfield (“Banfield Pit”), a junta black site in Banfield, Buenos Aires Province. The violence in question was related to the Process’ political and cultural program of Catholic-inflected clerical fascism, under which queer and trans people were regarded as inherently subversive.

The full text of the decision is scheduled for release on 6 July (Tian, 2024).

Australia

Federal

ALRC religious schools discrimination report tabled

On 21 March, in the Australian House of Representatives, Mark Dreyfus MP (ALP–Isaacs, VIC), Attorney-General for Australia, tabled (Ludwig, 2024) Australian Law Reform Commission Report 142, Maximising the realisation of human rights: Religious educational institutions and anti-discrimination laws (Australian Law Reform Commission, 2023). The recommendations of the report include that:

• in respect of the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (Cth), which is also the centrepiece of Australian federal queer and trans anti-discrimination law, the Government should:
  • terminate the current legal regime under which religious schools are functionally exempt from complying with broad portions of the Act by amending ss 23, 37, and 38 (Recommendation 1);
  • extend the protection which the Act offers to employees and “contract workers” at religious schools to “all persons, employed, engaged, or otherwise utilised by a religious educational institution who fall within the definition of ‘worker’ as provided in s 4 of [the] Act” (Recommendation 3);
  • extend the protection which the Act offers to protected persons to people who “associate[…] with (whether as[…] relative[s] or otherwise); or, [are] believed to associate with” protected persons, so that, for instance, a religious school cannot lawfully deny enrolment to a child merely because that child’s parents are of the same gender (Recommendation 4);
• the Government should legislate so that religious schools cannot impose terms in awards and enterprise agreements that “impose[…] a requirement that an employee abide by, or comply with, a code of practice or other condition dealing with the personal beliefs or private life of the employee” (Recommendation 6).

Federal Court: Pesutto to suffer one almighty SLAPP

In the week of 24 March, Justice Michael Wheelahan of the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia ordered that Deeming v Pesutto, Jones v Pesutto and Keen v Pesutto be heard together (Cosoleto, 2024). Deeming, Jones, and Keen are the defamation actions brought against John Pesutto MLA (LPA–Hawthorn), Leader of the Liberal Party of Australia in the Parliament of Victoria, by Moira Deeming MLC (Ind/LPA–Western Metropolitan Region) and two anti-trans activists, Angela “Angie” Jones and Kellie-Jay Keen.

The actions are related to remarks made and actions taken by Pesutto regarding Deeming, then one of his MPs, and to a lesser extent Jones and Keen, in particular characterising them as Nazi sympathisers (Kolovos, 2024; Silva & Willingham, 2024), after Keen’s March 2023 Let Women Speak rally, which members of the National Socialist Network (NSN) attended in full-throated support of Deeming’s, Jones’, and Keen’s anti-trans beliefs.

A trial date has been set for 16 September 2024.

Conflict of interest (COI) disclosure: I’m not involved in Deeming, Jones, or Keen, and don’t have any stake in the outcome. However it is my understanding that at least one plaintiff’s legal strategy relies, in part, on a negative characterisation of me personally. I’m still reporting this because it’s newsworthy, and I don’t expect to have any issues self-managing this COI, but under the circumstances I figured a COI disclosure was appropriate. A similar disclosure will go on any future coverage of this story that I write.

Australian Capital Territory

ANU Gender Affirmation Guide released

On 25 March, the Australian National University (ANU) People & Culture Division published ANU’s Gender Affirmation Guide (ANU People & Culture Division, 2024). The Guide is related to the Australian National University Enterprise Agreement 2023–2026, which commenced 5 December 2023, will remain in effect until 30 June 2026, and includes provision for gender affirmation leave.

New South Wales

City of Ryde: Flying Bats FC brings A-game, suffers the consequences

On 24 March, at Christie Park ground in Macquarie Park, the grand final of the Beryl Ackroyd Cup, a women’s pre-season association football competition organised by North West Sydney Football, was played between The Flying Bats FC and Macquarie Dragons FC. The Flying Bats, who have performed solidly through the season (Reilly, 2024; Smith, 2024d) won 4–0 (Bye, 2024).

As The Flying Bats are sponsored by Pride Football Australia and fielded 5 trans players in the grand final, they are predictably now receiving an onslaught of national and international hate, stoked by, among others:

• Senator Claire Chandler (LPA–Tasmania) (news.com.au, 2024);
• 2GB’s Ben Fordham Live (Fordham, 2024)
• Kirralie Smith:
  • personally (Smith, 2024a, 2024b, & 2024c);
  • as Binary Australia (Smith, 2024d);
• Sky News Australia (2024);
• the Daily Mail (“Women’s soccer team featuring five,” 2024);
• For Women Scotland Sport (2024);
• Riley Gaines (2024);
• Press Holdings’ The Telegraph (Rumsby, 2024).

In response to my request for comment, Flying Bats FC provided the following statement from Jennifer Peden, president of the club:

As a club, the Flying Bats FC stand strongly for inclusion, and pride ourselves on safe, respectful and fair play, the promotion of a supportive community for LGBTQIA+ players, officials and supporters, and the significant physical, social and mental health benefits that participation in sport brings, especially to marginalised members of the LGBTQIA+ community. We are a club that values our cisgender and transgender players equally.

We strongly support the Australian Human Rights Commission’s guidelines for the inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in sport. These guidelines, along with the Sex Discrimination Act, inform the gender inclusion policies of Football Australia, Football NSW, and the North West Sydney Football Association at the community, grassroots level at which we play. Trans women belong in the women’s competition because that is the gender with which they identify. Trans women have played with the club for at least 20 years, at levels ranging from beginner to skilled, just like our cis women players. Our players are graded on ability, and placed in the team that is most appropriate for their skill and experience level, and we look forward to a respectful, competitive season across our 8 teams in 2024.

J. Peden (personal communication, 31 March 2024)

City of Sydney: Committee approves transfem housing (bæddels’ fault)

On 25 March, the Housing for All Committee of the Sydney City Council unanimously approved a motion, “Sale of surplus residential property — Affordable and diverse housing,” including a recommendation, Recommendation (C)(iii), that a property at Darlinghurst be sold to Common Equity NSW Ltd (“Common Equity”) for $2.5 million. The project will now need to be signed off by the full Council, which will consider a motion to that effect at its 9 April meeting.

If approved, Common Equity will partner with All Nations Housing Co-operative to use the property to provide affordable housing for trans women, totalling 11 beds (Johnson, 2024).

France

Sénat Républicains transphobic (it’s in the name)

On 18 March, the group of Les Républicains (LR; “The Republicans”) in the French Senate published a report, Rapport sur la transidentification des mineurs (Report on the trans-identification of minors) (Groupe Les Républicains au Sénat, 2024). LR, the party of Nicolas Sarkozy, former President of France, was France’s conservative major party until it was supplanted around 2017 by Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN; “National Rally”). It remains the largest party in the Senate.

The working group heard 67 witnesses, including 4 anonymous parents and 1 anonymous detransitioner. Of the remainder, some were from trans community advocacy and health promotion groups, or were clinicians who supported the scientific consensus.

A considerable number, however, were anti-trans activists with whom I was already familiar because they are primarily or incidentally active in Anglophone spaces, mostly members of SEGM and/or Genspect —Zhenya Abbruzzese (#6), Stephen Levine (#9), David Bell (#11), Michael Biggs (#13), Patrick Hunter (#34), Riittakerttu Kaltiala (#35), Lisa Littman (#42), Lori Regenstreif (#52), Kathleen Stock (#60), and Ken Zucker (#67); in my view, Annelou de Vries (#65) could defensibly be included in this category as well. I don’t go into a great deal of detail about these people here because this is a regular bulletin and their careers have been explored more thoroughly and capably elsewhere.

However, there were also a number of European anti-trans clinicians and activists with whom I was not previously familiar because they are not regularly or significantly active in Anglophone media. These included the following:

• Nicole Athéa, gynaecologist and endocrinologist, who:
  • co-signed an open letter in L’Express promoting the “social contagion” and “gender ideology” canards (Masson et al., 2021);
  • co-authored a paper promoting the “rapid-onset gender dysphoria” (ROGD) canard (Masson et al., 2023);
• Sophie Audugé, spokesperson for extreme-right pressure group SOS Éducation, who has a record of promoting the “gender ideology” and “social contagion” canards (ADHEOS, 2022; Périer, 2022);
• Maurice Berger, paediatric psychiatrist, who co-signed an open letter in The Wall Street Journal attacking the Endocrine Society for its role in facilitating trans healthcare (Kaltiala et al., 2023);
• Jean-François Braunstein, professor of contemporary philosophy at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (“Panthéon-Sorbonne University”), who:
  • has published anti-trans work of a conspiratorial-impressionist type not dissimilar to, e.g., Jennifer Bilek (see, e.g., Braunstein, 2021b);
  • has a record of general anti-trans advocacy in the press (Braunstein, 2021a; Masson et al., 2021; etc.);
  • is a broadly Intellectual Dark Web-esque right-wing activist with a record of inveighing against things like “islamogauchisme” (“Islamo-leftism,” a racially charged snarl word used by French fascists) and “wokisme” (“wokeness”) in general (see, e.g., Braunstein, 2022).
• Silvia Carrasco Pons, professor of social anthropology at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, who:
  • is a member (Lowrey, 2023) of Docentes Feministas por la Coeducación (DoFemCo; “Feminist Teachers for Co-education”), a Spanish TERF pressure group;
  • has a history of using her professional and pedagogical authority to, e.g., promote an anti-trans, interphobic conception of “biological sex” (see, e.g., Carrasco, 2023);
• José Errasti, professor of clinical psychology at the Universidad de Oviedo, and co-author of Nadie nace un cuerpo equivocado (No one is born in the wrong body) (Errasti & Pérez, 2022a), a book characterised, in a piece by the authors promoting it in right-wing daily El Mundo, as a “manifesto against the ‘trans’ obsession” (Errasti & Pérez, 2022b);
• Christian Flavigny, paediatric psychiatrist and psychoanalyst, who:
  • was, as of 30 June 2020, an affiliate of the Institut Thomas More, a Paris-based Catholic right-wing think tank (Lesueur & Flavigny, 2020);
  • has described transness and gender-affirming care as a disease of “American culture” and the “Americanisation” of France (Flavigny, 2021a);
  • vocally opposed a conversion therapy ban (Flavigny, 2021b);
  • has a record of general anti-trans advocacy in the press (Masson et al., 2021, etc.);
• Angélique Gozlan, clinical psychologist, who has a record of promoting the “social contagion” canard (Gozlan & Masson, 2023), with which her remarks to the LR working group seem to have been of a piece (Sugy, 2024);
• Magali Pignard, “autism mom” activist, who has promoted the “transing away the gay” canard (Pignard, 2023);
• Olivia Sarton, attorney, who:
  • is affiliated with Juristes pour l’Enfance (“Lawyers for Children”), a right-wing legal advocacy group, in which capacity she has promoted the “social contagion” canard (Lamy, 2022);
  • in that capacity, is affiliated with Radio Espérance, a traditionalist Catholic radio network, where she has used her platform as co-host of Et le droit dans tout ça ?² to promote a version of the “parental rights” line popular among anti-trans US conservatives (Mirkovic & Sarton, 2022);
• Dr Samuel Veissière, clinician-researcher at CIUSSS of Montréal, who has promoted the “ROGD” and “social contagion” canards (Veissière, 2018a & 2018b; Serano, 2018);
• Michèle Vianès, who:
  • is an anti-trans activist (Vianès, 2023);
  • is co-founder and president of Regards de Femmes (“Women’s Views”), an Islamophobic and trans-exclusionary feminist group (Lamy, 2022b);
  • is noted for her racist and Islamophobic views and her collaboration with the fascist website Riposte laïque (Secular Response) (Le Planning Familial, 2021);
• Dr Catherine Zittoun, a child psychiatrist who has previously made remarks to FSSPX Attualità (“FSSPX News“) — the organ of the Society of St Pius X, a traditionalist Catholic group — suggesting that transmasculine youth are overly “hasty” in seeking transition (FSSPX Attualità, 2024).

The report makes 17 préconisations (“recommendations”), including that:

• trans kids with “troubles psychopathologiques et/ou neurodéveloppementaux” (“psychopathologies and/or neurodevelopmental disorders”) should be diverted into psychotherapy as a first-line intervention (Préconisation 2);
• trans kids should not be allowed to access trans healthcare services at all unless “détresse liée au genre perdure depuis la petite enfance” (“gender-related distress has persisted since early childhood”) (Préconisation 3);
• no new prescriptions for puberty blockers should be issued, and referrals of trans kids for hormone replacement therapy or gender-affirming surgery should be prohibited outright — the report also implies that when practical these restrictions should be extended to apply to people up to the age of 25 (Préconisation 5);
• the circulaire Blanquer (“Blanquer circular”) of 29 September 2021, which provides a modicum of gender recognition for trans students in French schools, should be withdrawn; instead, in accordance with “le principe de neutralité de l’Education nationale” (“the principle of neutrality in public education”), teachers should be directed to regard trans students as merely “enfants en questionnement de genre” (“gender-questioning children”) and address them according to their “état civil” (“civil status,” i.e., legal identity, in this case particularly meaning legal given name and assigned gender) (Préconisations 9, 10 & 11);
  • “associations qui ne respectant pas le principe de neutralité” (“organisations which do not respect the principle of neutrality”) — i.e., organisations who object to this approach — should be prevented from working with students (Préconisation 13);
• measures should be taken to “[p]rotéger les espaces non mixtes” (“[p]rotect single-sex spaces”) in schools, including toilets, showers, and changing rooms (Préconisation 12);
• administrative forms, acts, questionnaires, documents, and so on, which are distributed by a public authority or by a private entity exercising delegated public service authority, may only refer to “male” or “female” sex (Préconisation 15).

The Netherlands

Trans woman has biological advantage at … darts, apparently?

On 24 March, two members of the Dutch national women’s darts team, Anca Zijlstra (2024) and Aileen de Graaf, both cis women, quit in protest against the inclusion on the team of Noa-Lynn van Leuven, a trans woman (Zijlstra, op. cit.). Zijlstra also resigned her post with the Nederlands Darts Bond (NDB; “Dutch Darts Federation”), which oversees competitive darts in the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Smit, 2024).

Van Leuven has also come under international attack, including from Tory MP Nick Fletcher and from Martina Navratilova (D. Burke, 2024).

Pakistan

Sindh

Mayor of Larkana receives trans delegation

On 25 March, Anwar Ali Nawaz Luhar, the mayor of Larkana, Sindh, met with a delegation of trans members of the Larkana Municipal Corporation. The delegation expressed their concerns regarding (“Complaint of LMC’s transgender members,” 2024):

• barriers preventing trans people from acquiring a Computerised National Identity Card (CNIC);
• the lack of provision for trans people in the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP), which provides financial assistance to marginalised groups;
• police attitudes toward trans people.

Thailand

Marriage Equality Act passes House

On 27 March, the House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the National Assembly of Thailand, passed the Marriage Equality Act,³ which would make legal provision for same-gender marriage in Thailand. The Act passed with 400 MPs in favour, 10 against, 2 abstentions, and 3 members not voting (Human Rights Watch, 2024).

The Act must now be approved by the Senate of Thailand and must receive royal assent. While the monarch of the Commonwealth realms — who is the most familiar example of monarchy for me and, I suspect, many of SP Press’ readers — functionally cannot unilaterally refuse the assent (Allard-Tremblay, 2013), the Thai monarch functionally can do so, and the reigning King, Vajiralongkorn, has exercised that power with unusual frequency since his accession (Mérieau, 2017). However, there is no expectation that he will do so in this case. The Act is thus expected to become law by the end of 2024 (Head & Ng, 2024).

United Kingdom

BBC Sport: Just asking questions (2)

On 25 March, the BBC published the results of the BBC Elite British Sportswomen’s Study 2024 (BBC Sport, 2024). This year’s edition marks the fourth iteration of this poll, after 3 previous editions (Fordyce, 2013; BBC Sport, 2015 & 2020).

For the 2024 iteration, the BBC contacted 615 respondents in 28 different sports and received 143 responses. The 2024 Study contained the following 2 new questions relating to trans people, with the following results:

22. How comfortable do you feel about transgender athletes competing in female categories in your sport?
    • Very comfortable: 6 [4.2%];
    • Comfortable: 5 [3.5%];
    • Neutral: 21 [14.7%];
    • Uncomfortable: 45 [31.5%];
    • Very uncomfortable: 59 [41.3%];
    • Not applicable/don’t wish to answer: 5 [3.5%];
    • Did not answer: 2 [1.4%].

23. How comfortable would you feel speaking publicly on the topic of transgender athletes competing in female categories in your sport?
    • Very comfortable: 6 [4.2%];
    • Comfortable: 13 [9.1%]
    • Neutral: 21 [14.7%];
    • Uncomfortable: 50 [~35.0%];
    • Very uncomfortable: 46 [32.2%];
    • Not applicable/don’t wish to answer: 6 [4.2%];
    • Did not answer: 1 [0.7%].

Notably, this year’s instrument is the first to be titled a Study, despite no apparent changes in methodology; previous instruments referred to themselves as Surveys, connoting a more relaxed standard of rigour.

Paediatrics peak body makes fatal mistake of being normal in Britain

On 26 March, the response by the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health (RCPCH) to the Department for Education (DfE) consultation (HM Department for Education, 2023) on its draft Guidance for schools and colleges: gender questioning children became public. The response, written by Professor Andrew Rowland (2024), RCPCH Officer for Child Protection:

• expresses that the RCPCH is “deeply concerned that the proposed guidance poses a risk to children and young people in that, if enacted, many of the measures set out are likely to cause distress for those who may be gender questioning or with gender incongruence, and their peers, and foster a negative school environment where children are not supported to be themselves” (p. 1);
• expresses that the RCPCH is “concerned to see that the guidance states that parents should be involved other than in the ‘exceptionally rare circumstances where involving parents would constitute a significant risk of harm to the child’ … without citing evidence to demonstrate that this risk is, in fact, exceptionally rare” (pp. 1–2)
  • “invite[s] the Department to consider whether ‘significant risk of harm’ is the appropriate threshold for making decisions about excluding parents from such decisions”, given that “There is no statutory definition of ‘significant’” (p. 2)
• rejects strongly as “not acceptable” the draft guidance’s failure to honour HM Government’s obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, in the latter case with specific reference to art 12, 16, and 28 (pp. 2–3);
• expresses that the RCPCH is “particularly concerned by the provisions set out for primary school age children,” noting that not letting trans primary school students use their correct pronouns “removes an opportunity for primary schools to manage distress in young children who are gender questioning or with gender incongruence” (p. 3);
• expresses the RCPCH’s belief that, “as currently worded, … it is more likely than not that education practitioners will be dissuaded from acting in a child’s best interests” (p. 2);
• “urge[s] the Department to consider the responses to this consultation … in the context of their duty as outlined in the Children Act 1989 to ensure that the welfare of the child is the paramount consideration in all matters concerning them” (p. 1);
  • “ask[s] that the Department addresses how they meet this requirement specifically in their response to this consultation” (p. 1);
• “recommend[s] that the Department commissions a full literature review in order to fully and wholly explore the potential consequences of informing parents that a child is gender questioning without their consent” (p. 2);
• asserts “it is essential that the Department must … seek independent, objective advice on whether this guidance would be lawful under the Equality Act 2010, and whether it complies with all required Human Rights Conventions” (p. 3);
• indicates that “The Department may find it helpful to look to” Gillick competency and the Fraser guidelines “as precedent for providing autonomy to children and young people” (p. 2).
• expresses the RCPCH’s belief that the Scottish Government Children and Families Directorate’s guidance Taking a children’s human rights approach “should be used as a framework to underpin revisions to this Guidance that is currently subject to consultation” (p. 3).

The RCPCH response has attracted significant criticism, invariably from anti-trans groups and actors, including:

• the Family Education Trust, a right-wing Christian advocacy group;
• Nick Fletcher MP (CUP–Don Valley, England), a Tory MP with a consistent track record of anti-trans commentary (Baska, 2022; Stone, 2022a & 2022b);
• Helen Joyce, director of advocacy for Sex Matters, an anti-trans advocacy group.

United States

Federal

In re Vague/Boe v Marshall: Judge-shopping case opened by case-shopping judge

On 19 March, in the US District Court for the Northern District of Alabama, District Judge Liles C. Burke unsealed two documents:

• a final report of a judicial inquiry, In re Vague, dated 27 October 2023;
• an order to show cause in Boe v Marshall, dated 21 February 2024.

The In re Vague inquiry was convened at Judge Burke’s request on the pretext that he believed “certain actions taken by counsel for the plaintiffs” in two cases, Walker v Marshall and Ladinsky v Ivey, “may have evidenced judge shopping”. The Panel decided on its own initiative to examine the conduct of plaintiffs’ counsel in an additional case, Eknes-Tucker v Ivey.

The plaintiffs in all three cases were trans and had filed suit on state actions or points of state law that were anti-trans in their effect in such a way that plaintiffs asserted they were unlawful. My view is that this is very likely to be material to Burke’s motivation. Burke, appointed to the District Court bench in 2017 by then-President Donald Trump (R), has collaborated with the Federalist Society (2016), a right-wing legal advocacy group renowned (Scherer & Miller, 2009) for the uncanny consistency with which judges who are its alumni consistently rule on constitutional questions in ways that entrench and advance conservative and fascist political ends seemingly regardless of irrelevances such as, for example, the “text,” per se, of the law in question (Ward, 2023).

Burke’s political views, to the extent that they are on record, could be characterised broadly as far-right, given that, for instance, as of 2017 he openly hung a portrait of Confederate president Jefferson Davis in his office (Gray, 2017). Burke has also displayed hostility to LGBTQ+ people in particular, pointedly refusing during his confirmation process to answer questions for the record concerning whether he thought that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States required states to treat queer couples equally to straight couples, or trans people equally to cis people (L.C. Burke, 2017).⁴

Given that Burke could credibly be described as a fascist it will perhaps not be altogether surprising that this appears to a case of “every fascist accusation is a confession”. The In re Vague report tries to give the impression that the attorneys under scrutiny intentionally subverted a process that those attorneys knew to be a fair random draw by leaning on instances where testimony indicated the attorneys described Burke as a “bad draw”. However, it is as a matter of fact not a “draw” at all if there’s only one ticket in the hat — as Harvard Law School’s Alejandra Caraballo (2022) has pointed out, there appear to be arrangements in place to ensure that a case touching on trans rights filed in either the Middle or Northern Districts of Alabama will be immediately procedurally redirected to Burke, arrangements egregious enough that Caraballo describes them as “rigging of court procedure to determine [the] outcome”. It therefore seems credible that Judge Burke may have been motivated by knowledge of his own conduct in deciding to go on the attack.

Given all the above it will also perhaps not come as a shock that the panel of inquiry — composed of 2 Bush appointees and a Trump appointee selected by a Bush appointee and a Trump appointee — found “without hesitation that” 11 of the 39 total attorneys for the plaintiffs across the 3 cases “purposefully attempted to circumvent the random case assignment procedures of the … District Courts”. The 21 February 2024 show cause order is issued pursuant to that report. The 11 attorneys are, in the sequence named in the show cause order:

• Melody Eagan, of Lightfoot, Franklin & White, LLC;
• Jeffrey Doss, of Lightfoot, Franklin & White, LLC;
• Scott McCoy, of the Southern Poverty Law Center;
• Jennifer Levi, of GLBTQ Legal Advocates & Defenders;
• Shannon Minter, of the National Center for Lesbian Rights;
• James Esseks, of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU);
• Kathleen Hartnett, of Cooley LLP;
• Michael Shortnacy, of King & Spalding LLP.
• LaTisha Faulks, of the ACLU of Alabama;
• Asaf Orr, of the National Center for Lesbian Rights;
• Carl Charles, of Lambda Legal.

The show cause hearing will take place on 22–23 May. If respondents fail in the Court’s opinion to show cause why they should not be sanctioned, then “the Court may consider one or more of … suspension from practice in the Northern and Middle Districts of Alabama; censure; public or private reprimand; disqualification; ineligibility for appointment as court-appointed counsel; ineligibility to appear pro hac vice or on behalf of the United States in the Northern and Middle Districts of Alabama; and monetary sanctions,” per the show cause order.

DeGross v Hunter: How dare you make us respect trans kids

On 22 March, in the US District Court for the Western District of Washington, the Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF), a fascist legal advocacy group, filed suit against officials of the Washington Department of Children, Youth, and Families, on behalf of two plaintiffs, Jennifer and Shane DeGross.

Beginning in 2015, the DeGrosses were licensed by the Department to provide foster care. In 2022, the Department declined the DeGrosses’ request to renew their foster care license (Richardson, 2024) due to the DeGrosses’ active refusal to comply with Washington Administrative Code § 110-148-1520, which requires foster carers to “provide and arrange for care that is appropriate for the child’s … SOGIE [sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression]”. The plaintiffs allege religiously motivated discrimination amounting to:

• violation of their rights to free speech and free association under the Free Speech and Freedom of Assembly Clauses of the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States;
• violation of their rights to the free exercise of religion under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment;
• violation of their right to equal protection of law under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

They are seeking:

• declaratory relief (“A declaration that the Department’s policy violated and continues to violate Plaintiffs’ constitutionally protected rights to free speech, free association, religious exercise, and equal protection of the law”);
• a permanent injunction forbidding the Department from taking similar action in future;
• costs and expenses;
• in relation specifically to the claims against lead defendant Ross Hunter, the Department’s secretary, nominal and punitive damages.

Data for Progress: New report confirms everything going to hell

On 28 March, Data for Progress published a report, “Anti-LGBTQ+ policies and rhetoric are harming LGBTQ+ lives,” by Kirby Phares et al. (2024). The report’s findings “emphasize the negative impacts of recent anti-LGBTQ+ policies and rhetoric on LGBTQ+ people’s lives, including a worse quality of life and mental health, experiences of discrimination and harassment, and difficulties accessing health care. Additionally, the findings point to the importance of having access to LGBTQ+ representation in media and LGBTQ+-affirming online spaces and resources, particularly for young people”.

Education Department: Curse your inevitable and not at all sudden betrayal

On 28 March, The Washington Post reported that anonymous sources in the US Department of Education have advised that the Biden administration will likely take no action prior to the general elections of November 2024 to finalise its proposed regulation of 6 April 2023 which would have formally instituted some protections for student athletes who are trans. This is not really news; the Biden administration has been finding excuses not to take any action in this area since 2022 (Heckler, 2024).

Disney: Are you a man or a Mouse?

On 3 April, in Burbank, California, The Walt Disney Company’s annual meeting of shareholders will take place (The Walt Disney Company, 2024).⁵ At the meeting, shareholders will consider a proposal, “Gender-based compensation gaps and associated risks,” filed 3 October 2023 by the National Legal and Policy Center (NLPC), a right-wing advocacy and activist litigation group which is a Disney shareholder (Chesser, 2024).

If adopted, the NLPC resolution will request that Disney’s board of directors issue a report by 31 December 2024 detailing “how they address dysphoria and detransitioning care across gender classifications, including associated reputational, competitive, operational and litigative risks, and risks related to recruiting and retaining diverse talent” (National Legal and Policy Center, 2023).

California

Restrict Trans Youth Rights Initiative trudges on

On 16 March, at Glory Church in downtown Los Angeles, the Time to Stand Rally took place. The Rally was organised by a number of religious and “parental rights” organisations. Its goal was to collect signatures to place a ballot initiative before California voters at the November elections. If adopted, the ballot initiative — referred to by conservatives as the Protect Kids of California Act of 2024, but legally designated the Restricts Rights of Transgender Youth initiative by Rob Bonta, California’s Democratic state attorney general — will (Kalish, 2024; Protect Kids California, 2023)

• ban gender-affirming care for trans people under 18 in California (§ 11).
• require schools to notify parents if a child comes out as trans (§ 5);
• ban trans girls who are students in California schools from participating in sports or using facilities which are specified for their correct gender (§§ 6, 8 & 10).

City of Sacramento: Council resolves to be nice to trans people

On 26 March, the Sacramento City Council unanimously approved a “Resolution declaring the City of Sacramento a Sanctuary City for Transgender People,” moved by outgoing councilmember Katie Valenzuela (D–District 4). In adopting the resolution, the City Council resolved that:

• “the City of Sacramento … declares itself a sanctuary city and a place of safety for transgender people” — s 1(A);
• “the City … recognizes the importance of gender-affirming healthcare as a matter of health, privacy, and equality; and will ensure … that those rights are upheld for all people living, working, or seeking services within the City of Sacramento” — s 1(B);
• “No city resources … shall be utilized for detaining persons for seeking or providing gender-affirming care” — s 2(A);
• “No city resources shall be utilized for cooperating with or providing any information to any individual or out-of-state agency regarding the provision of lawful gender-affirming healthcare” — s 2(B).

Reception of the resolution has been mixed. Associate Professor Eric Stanley, the Haas Distinguished Chair in LGBT Equity at the University of California, Berkeley, told the Los Angeles Times (Deng, 2024) that the resolution is “more or less a political stunt,” noting that while it is very effective in signalling trans allyship on the part of the City Council, it contains no substantial provisions actually addressing the basic needs of trans people, an economically marginalised group, in California, one of the most expensive states in the country. Other than Stanley, the resolution was:

• endorsed by the Sacramento branch of the Democratic Socialists of America (Sacramento Democratic Socialists of America, 2024), with which Councilmember Valenzuela is affiliated;
• opposed by Moms for Liberty, a right-wing group with a consistent presence in anti-trans activism (“City Council unanimously declares Sacramento,” 2024).

Colorado

Title Board to decide whether fascists bound by law or just protected

On 3 April, the Colorado Title Board will hold a rehearing on Initiative 2023–2024 #175, unofficially designated “Prohibit Certain Medical Procedures for Minors” by legislative staff. If adopted, Initiative 2023–2024 #175 will ban gender-affirming care for trans people under 18 in Colorado. The Board approved the initiative on 6 March, but LGBTQ+ advocacy group One Colorado and other trans advocacy organisations have secured a rehearing on the grounds that the measure appears to violate the single-subject rule, which requires that ballot initiatives concern themselves with a single subject (Irizarry, 2024).

Georgia

HB 1104: Anti-trans “frankenbill” disappointingly fails to kill creators

On 26 March, the Georgia Senate passed HB 1104. In the form passed, HB 1104 bans trans youth from playing on sports teams and using sports facilities that are designated for their correct gender.

The bill has been described as a “frankenbill”; it is a previously innocuous bill onto which Republican Senators suddenly amended anti-trans language which had previously been killed when presented as its own bill (D. Richards, 2024).

Idaho

HB 668: The machine demands blood

On 27 March, Idaho Governor Brad Little (R) signed HB 668 into law. HB 668 prohibits Medicaid and state insurance programs from covering puberty blockers, hormone therapy, or gender-affirming surgical intervention. It will commence in effect 1 July (Maldonado, 2024).

Kansas

SB 233: The machine demands blood (2)

On 27 March, both chambers of the Kansas Legislature passed SB 233, which will ban gender-affirming care for trans people under 18 in Kansas. SB 233 now goes to Governor Laura Kelly (D) for her signature. It may or may not have a veto-proof majority; it was 2 votes short in the House due to absences, but both absent Representatives were Republicans who had previously voted in favour of the bill.

New York

CEC 2 Resolution 248: Just asking questions (3)

On 20 March, New York City Public Schools’ Community Education Council District 2 (“CEC 2”, or “CEC D2”) passed Resolution 248, “[…] calling for a comprehensive review and redrafting of NYCPS Guidelines on Gender with regard to the application and impact on female athletes participating in physical education, intramural and competitive Public School Athletic League (PSAL) sports”. The resolution’s lead sponsor was Maud Maron, a collaborator of Moms for Liberty (Elsen-Rooney & Zimmer, 2024), who has previously expressed the view that trans kids don’t exist (McMurdock, 2024).

Reaction to the resolution has been consistently chilly:

• David Banks, Chancellor of New York City Schools, said the resolution is based on “unfounded and misleading” information, and described it as “excluding our trans students” (Russo, 2024);
• the New York City Council’s LGBTQIA+ Caucus released a furious statement through its chair, Rita Joseph, expressing that the Caucus was “enraged and appalled” by the “disgraceful” resolution (Bottcher, 2024);
• State Senator Brad Hoylman-Sigal (D–SD47) said “The anti-transgender resolution passed by CEC 2 … will not stand” (Hoylman-Sigal, 2024);
• City Journal — the organ of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, a right-wing think tank which has consistently advocated in opposition to trans rights — ran an article by Maron (2024), defending and promoting the resolution.

Ohio

Moe v Yost: Moe and Goe tell Ohio “no”

On 26 March, in the state Court of Common Pleas for Franklin County, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Ohio filed suit against Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost (R) and other Ohio state officers to bar implementation of HB 68, on behalf of two pseudonymous plaintiffs, “Madeline Moe” and “Grace Goe”. HB 68, which will take effect on 24 April unless stayed, will:

• ban trans people under 18 from accessing gender-affirming care;
• ban trans girls from competing on correctly-gendered school sports teams (Migdon, 2024a).

Moe and Goe are two trans girls, both 12 years old, who are both currently receiving medical transition care and will be forcibly medically detransitioned if HB 68’s health care ban provisions are allowed to commence.

The plaintiffs, through counsel, contend that HB 68 violates four provisions of the Constitution of the State of Ohio:

• art I,
  • § 2, the state Equal Protection Clause;
  • § 16, the Due Course of Law provision, which provides that “every person, for an injury done him … shall have remedy by due course of law”;
  • § 21, which establishes that no authority may “prohibit the purchase or sale of Health Care or health insurance in the state of Ohio”;
• art II § 15(D), the single-subject rule.

Plaintiffs are seeking:

• a declaration by the Court that HB 68, both as a whole, and to the extent that it unconstitutionally restrains plaintiffs’ rights to healthcare, is void and without legal effect;
• injunctions restraining the Attorney General and the State Medical Board of Ohio from enforcing HB 68 or disciplining violations thereof;
• costs, expenses, and reasonable attorneys’ fees.

Texas

Doe and PFLAG: Court delivers third W in Texas history

On 29 March, at Austin, the Texas Court of Appeals, Third District, issued orders in Abbott v Doe and Muth v PFLAG affirming temporary injunctions issued by the 201st and 459th District Courts in Doe v Abbott and PFLAG v Abbott respectively.

According to OutSmart magazine of Houston, “[u]nder the upheld injunctions, [the Texas Department of Family and Protective Services] is prohibited from initiating investigations or taking any further actions against families solely based on allegations of providing gender-affirming care to their adolescents” (“Texas court upholds injunctions,” 2024).

Wisconsin

Doe v Elkhorn Area School District: The restroom gazes also into you

On 21 March, in the US District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Wardenski PC, a New York-based civil rights law firm, filed suit on behalf of a pseudonymous plaintiff, “Jane Doe,” against the Elkhorn Area School District and two of its officers.

Doe, a 13-year-old trans girl who is a seventh-grade student at Elkhorn Area Middle School, alleges that when she came out in November 2022, the District compelled her to use faculty restrooms in lieu of allowing her to use the correct student facilities and locker rooms for her gender, singling her out for unwanted attention and forcing her to miss class time. Doe asserts that this conduct is unlawful and that defendants have known it to be so since no later than 2017. Doe contends that defendants’ actions have caused her “emotional distress, embarrassment, social isolation, stigma, and heightened symptoms of gender dysphoria,” and that they amount to unlawful restraint of her rights under:

• Title IX, which prohibits federally funded education programs from discriminating on the basis of sex;
• the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.

Footnotes

1 — Formally, the Australian eSafety Commissioner is a single natural person, currently Julie Inman Grant. However, the Commissioner’s powers can be exercised by a delegate, as they were in this case; when the powers are exercised as such they are still exercised by the Commissioner, even though they are exercised by a different person. In an attempt to represent this as simply and as accurately as possible, the notice is referred to in the body of this piece simply as having been served “by the Commissioner,” without reference to a personal name.

2 — Literally, And the Law in All This?. However, the phrase is a snowclone, “Et le foo dans tout ça ?”, for which the customary English equivalent seems to be “What’s foo got to do with it?” — for instance, the 2022 English-language Netflix original What’s Love Got to Do With It? was released in Francophone countries as Et l’amour dans tout ça ?. Therefore, a more idiomatic translation of the title of Sarton’s show might be, appropriately enough, What’s the Law Got to Do With It?

3 — I was unfortunately unable to locate a copy of the Act in either English or Thai.

4 — In isolation, Burke’s response to the relevant questions simply says he “believe[s] it would be inappropriate to opine,” which might appear unobjectionable on its face. However, when asked other questions of case law which he is clearly affirming under duress, Burke uses a different response, of the form “I acknowledge that a higher court has decided this question; the precedent thus set would bind me, therefore I would rule accordingly”. On questions of treatment of LGBTQ+ people, by contrast, he refuses to provide a substantial answer at all.

5 — For SP Weekly, I generally prioritise stories based on the minimum absolute number of trans readers I think they will affect. To that end, while I cover government actions, such as legislation, as well as litigation that might establish binding precedent, I try to stay away from corporate affairs. Smith & Jones Widgets Pty Ltd might have just been rated a Platinum Employer on ACON’s Australian Workplace Equality Index but I doubt my readers are going to care enough to justify me putting in the energy to cover it.

However, The Walt Disney Company is a special case. Since 1967, Disney has governed a small territory in Florida as a de facto autonomous county, overlapping the de jure Orange and Osceola Counties. The Disney territory’s previous incarnation, the Reedy Creek Improvement District (RCID), had significantly more autonomy, but was abolished at the behest of Governor Ron DeSantis (R) through a legislative and judicial process which began with the passage of HB 9B of 2023. However, Disney still retains administrative responsibility for and power over the successor Central Florida Tourism Oversight District (CFTOD), comparable to the power exercised by British or Australian local governments.

Consequently, for SP Weekly purposes, I treat The Walt Disney Company as a subnational government in the United States, and consider that the business of deliberative assemblies which are constituent parts of Disney or are convened on its authorities is legislative business and within scope. As Disney’s corporate operations extend throughout the United States and worldwide, the section in which news relating to Disney will be included is determined case-by-case depending on the area of relevance of the news in question.

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